HERE you will find the collected articles, interviews, and presentations of one of our most respected and prolific JFK researchers, attorney, author, and AARC Board member, Bill Simpich. Bookmark this page for updates.
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BILL SIMPICH: My Summary of the Pepe Letters; DOUG CAMPBELL: Letters From Cuba (Nov. 2020)
11 March, 2025|Special to the AARC
My Summary of the Pepe Letters by Bill Simpich
Preface
Kudos to Paul Bleau for his fine work on the Pepe letters. He is a good writer and tells a difficult story well.
I also want to give a shout-out to Doug Campbell, who also did a thoughtful presentation on the Pepe letters of 1962 and the Pedro Charles letters of 1963 several years ago.
Doug and I tried to put together a follow-up joint presentation on these subjects, but it is a complicated analysis and we put it on the shelf for another day.
Now that Paul has got the ball rolling, I would like to follow up with my thoughts on this fascinating story – I believe it links several different stories together.
Because it is complicated, I thought the best way to tell it would be in several segments. It is still a work-in-progress.
It covers some provocative areas, and I don’t want to raise hopes too high, but I believe that Bill Harvey and his colleagues who worked on double-agent cases such as Richard Tansing may have been the original authors of the Pepe letters and even more troubling operations as well such as the stripping by CI/SIG of Oswald’s 201 file in the days before he was reported to have been seen in Mexico City.
Part 1: The linked 100-300 files, and how they were used to mislead the Mexico City station
RELATED: Doug Campbell: Letters From Cuba – November, 2020
Another problem with source 3-11-48 goes back to a revelation five months earlier in June 1963: The Mexico City station reported that AMCRAB-1/Rolando Santana Reyes, a Uruguayan defector, said that Quintin Pino Machado was the “former leader 26 July organization, had differences (with) other leaders, was forced out of job “Casa Del 26″” and thus might be approachable for defection.” So which is it – was Pino a Castro agent, or a double agent, or a triple agent? Or is the story about Pino being a terrorist just made up?
The FBI wanted direct access to the source of this story – but a JMWAVE office made it clear: “of course not possible.” The FBI described tipster 3-11-14 as T-2 – and went on to say that T-2 was “another government agency that conducts security-type investigations.”
This same story about Cortes, Saavedra and Sanchez was cobbled together by Angleton’s aide Ray Rocca and provided to lead JFK investigator Jack Whitten the day after the assassination, in what I consider a naked attempt to derail the investigation.
Secret Service agent Ernest Aragon – a confidant of Bobby Kennedy – trained several of Bill Harvey’s colleagues in the summer of 1962. The subject of the training was internal Secret Service procedures. See the summary below:Aragon said that he became aware of the deficiencies of the Secret Service in Presidential protection very early in his career. Because of his work on Cuban subjects in Miami he became friendly with some CIA operatives working out of the Miami Station.
He was reluctant to identify them but was persuaded to do so and told the writer that he dealt with Ted Shackley, Bill Finch and Mitch Lawrence. Finch was head of the Miami office and Lawrence succeeded him. Aragon discussed with Chief Rowley the need for more formal liaison with the CIA and as a result, was asked to come to Washington in 1962 to discuss it further. He hitched a ride to Washington from Palm Beach on Air Force One.
Aragon met with Richard Helms, Ghosn Zogby, Victor Wallen and Clark Simmons.
Helms was the head of the Deputy Director of Plans, who supervised CIA’s covert action wing. He worked on the same executive level as Bill Harvey, and the two men frequently worked in tandem.
Zogby was head of Cuban Task Force (WH/4) in 1962. His position was assumed by Bill Harvey in early 1962, who renamed the branch Task Force W (after his first name, William).
Wallen was C-TFW-CI before Swanson. I believe Wallen’s pseudonym was Richard Tansing – who worked with Bill Harvey in the Pepe investigation.
Clark W. Simmons served as C/WH/4/CI (chief of Western Hemisphere counterintelligence, Cuba) in 1961, succeeding David Morales, who he worked with closely. He later became Chief, WH/SAS/IOS (investigations and operational support for the Cuban division SAS). Throughout the early 60s, Simmons was intimately familiar with the duties of the various AMOT teams in Miami, the anti-Castro Cubans that worked with the CIA and waited for the day where Castro was overthrown and they could insert themselves as the new intelligence unit for the Cuban government. [ 33 ]
Aragon said representatives of the FBI were also present at this meeting. He said that arrangements were made for the immediate coordination and dissemination of intelligence information relating to the protection of the President.
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AARC Lecture Series
BILL SIMPICH: November 1959 – November 1963 Kent Biffle and the Fort Worth Press
The AARC presents a new series of lectures commemorating and honoring the legacy of President Kennedy, the inspirational meaning of his term of office, and the consequences of his assassination sixty-one years ago.
In the words of the distinguished British scholar Malcolm Blunt, “Jesus Christ, what we lost when we lost that man.”
By Bill Simpich
Good afternoon. I’m Bill Simpich, and I’m going to start by offering you a snapshot of a journalist named Kent Biffle, who was active with the Fort Worth Press, and we’re going to discuss the Fort Worth Press as a separate newspaper, and also as the Fort Worth and Dallas coverage of Oswald and things like Oswald in the four years before November 22nd because, you remember, he was a red defector and that’s the kind of man bites dog story that gets you headlines.
So, the way the story begins is that Oswald defected in the end of October 1959. And when it hit the press, the headline is “Fort Worth Man Asks Red Citizenship. Passport turned in at Moscow.” And other headlines were like “20 -year -old Marine to Renounce Citizenship,” with little quotes from Oswald. And then you will see, if you turn to the Fort Worth paper someday, a photo of a gentleman who looks like Oswald with a woman and a little girl all looking at the newspaper. The gentleman looks like Lee Oswald, but in fact it’s the best Lee Oswald double you could ever ask for. It’s Robert Oswald, and that’s his wife, Vada, and their daughter, with the headline, “Brothers’ Turn to Reds Puzzles Fort Worth Man.”
These are examples of the press coverage that was being obtained, and the fellow who wrote two articles in particular during this time of November is a man named Kent Biffle. He was an informant with the FBI a couple years later in ‘61 on the mafia side of things, answering to Robert Barrett. And he wrote articles not just for the Fort Worth Press, but also the Fort Worth star telegram. Then later we’ll find him with the Dallas Morning News. Kent wrote an article on the 1st of November saying, “Fort Worther may become Russian, so he can write about experience.” Then, about the 16th of that month, he actually tried to place a three -way call to Lee Oswald in Moscow while his mother was hiding on the other end. And so, the FBI taped it, wiretap, if you will. And in the stories, you’ll see that Lee says hello, hello, and he hears his mother’s voice and he flips and he hangs up on her. So, the headline is, “Moscow Phone Went Dead, Turncoat Hangs Up on Mother.” And that word “turncoat” is highly charged. I saw it again and again in the stories and the term itself, which was not unknown, but was popularized around the Oswald case by Kent Biffle. And Lee Oswald clipped Kent’s story, and it can be found in his possessions. He wrote about it when he wrote John Connally asking for his discharge to be upgraded.
So, very significant article. Fascinating information about this case during November ‘59 is I found one clip in the Star-Telegram actually stating that the remainder of this dispatch was held in censorship. It’s kind of a overflow from the censorship of World War II but it’s still jarring to see a story about Oswald or anybody for that matter in 1959 being withheld through censorship. Kind of mind boggling.
So, I’m gonna step up the story now because Kent did write a story in ’62 when Oswald came back. So, it’s not like he dropped the ball on him. And in fact, Marguerite tracked with Kent and used the Fort Worth Star-Telegram as a dropping off place for her mail and her phone calls in the 1960 period, which is quite amazing when you think about it. And it’s not to say that Marguerite is some kind of spy. Rather, it’s to say that Marguerite, who I have a lot of faith in as a witness, and I think she really got a bad rap as a woman and as an older woman and as a working -class woman from even the research community, but especially, of course, from the press who seized every opportunity to denigrate her. She was working very closely with Biffle. Biffle was paying her money to give him stories and that’s why she was so eager to work with them because she was so poor. She was as poor as she could be and she worked with a lot of prominent people taking care of their kids. She took care of the mayor of Arlington’s kids, and she took care of the Fort Worth Star-Telegram’s publisher’s kids, the Carters, Amon Carter, Jr. And Mr. Carter was considered the, you know, the dean of Fort Worth. Lee Oswald even went to his camp, it was called the Carter camp. And she worked at Carter’s house until 11 days before the 22nd of November. And I bring all this up to show just how prominent this defection of Lee Oswald was in Fort Worth and Dallas alike.
Now, I want to close this portion with Mr. Biffle by the last days before November 22nd. And, in particular, I want to focus on a quote from Tom Dillard who worked for the Dallas Press. He was a photographer. His quote is this, “So, at Love Field everything went fine up to the point that the whole day became a great frustration for a photographic person. First thing, parades were usually handled with a flatbed truck for pool and certain selected photographic personnel to ride in front of the presidential car in presidential parades.” Again, to ride in front of the presidential car in presidential parades. “That was cancelled at the last minute. We were put in Chevrolet convertibles to ride several cars back. I think we were about six cars back. Bob Jackson and I and a couple other boys were in this parade. This put us totally out of the picture.”
And I’ve got these photos courtesy of Vince Palamara from Mexico City and Nashville and a variety of other locales, all showing the president behind the photo cars. The photo car is in front and then the presidential car follows and you can see JFK waving to the crowd in all these other towns, but we don’t have that photo in Dallas. Why not? It’s because, in my opinion, the Secret Service fellow changed the order of the motorcade and put the press people in the back and, I say, specifically so there wouldn’t be good photos of the president getting shot up.
Now I’ve got another press clip I’m gonna just give you the headlines for these. these. This headlines from the Dallas Morning News since November 15, 1963. And it says, “Tight Schedule, JFK Motorcade Seems Unlikely.” Goes on to say, “Despite numerous requests, the Chamber of Commerce says prospects for motorcade there aren’t too bright. A tight schedule and security regulations stand in the way.” Now, after that, I’ve got another clip. This time it’s from Kent Biffle two days later on the 17th. It says, “Incident Free Day, Urged for JFK Visit.” And Kent’s lead paragraph is, “Dallas leaders urged Saturday against any demonstrations or incidents during President Kennedy’s visit here Friday.” And, sure enough, on November 19th, two days later, it was confirmed that not only would there be a motorcade, but they print right in black and white what the directions of the motorcade are gonna be: “The motorcade will then pass through downtown on Harwood and then west on Main, turning back on to Elm at Houston, and then out Stemmons Freeway.”
I mean, you’re talking about press here and security? Here’s another article the next day in the Dallas Morning News. This is the 20th of November:
“Breakfast entry due by way of kitchen. President Kennedy is insured of a cook’s tour prior to making his appearance Friday at a Hotel Texas breakfast in his honor.”
That was the 22nd, morning of, in Fort Worth.
“The Secret Service, which guards the president, has laid out the most direct route for the Kennedys to take from the elevator to the grand ballroom. It’s through the kitchen.”
Can you imagine telling the public what the entryway is going to be through the kitchen? Absolutely outrageous.
At the same time, here’s James Yule. Now it’s one day before November 22nd. Yule is the police press liaison, and he’s privy to all the inside skinny from the press that kind of work, frankly, that Jerry Hill used to do. Yule reports that more than 400 officers, including 40 State patrolmen will be deployed for Friday’s presidential visit in what police officials described Wednesday as the most elaborate security arrangements ever made here. And they get into all the details, about 40 State officers, 13 Dallas County Sheriff’s officers, a police detail of 250, just spilling all the beans, unbelievable.
And sure enough, you know, we now have access to the Secret Service lineup for the motorcade. And we know that the presidential limousine, I should say, was number four, and that the National Press camera car was about six back in number 10, and this main camera car again moved from the front to the back of the murder case so JFK could not be photographed.
Vince Palamara blames Floyd Boring in Washington for the Secret Service for this move, saying that Winston Lawson on the ground merely executed Boring’s plan, which was spelled out three days before the assassination. And now, four day four cars beyond the camera car all the way near the back, there’s a local press pool car and after the cameraman and who’s in there but none other than Kent Biffle himself and other local individuals who literally crashed the motorcade, as one of them said, they “unofficially” joined the motorcade at Love Field rather than having been a planned vehicle. And this allowed Biffle, by accident or design, to be right in front of the Texas School Book Depository within moments after the assassination.
And what Biffle claims he did was he claims he ran to the grassy knoll because he thought shots might have come from there because people were running that way and then he ran right back to the front door of the Book Depository and then he ran inside the door and a man who ran inside the door supposedly the very same time as he was a photographer with a movie camera named Tom Alyea, who’s pretty well known among research community, and Alyea claims, “I ran upstairs with the Secret Service men. It boiled down to the fourth, sixth floor. They looked for the gun. I filmed 400 feet of film of the Secret Service men looking for the assassin, climbing over boxes, looking over rafters, and the actual finding of the gun.” If you can believe it, the only two men who got inside the book depository, beyond the first floor who were actually reporters, were Tom Alyea and Kent Biffle. And Kent and Tom were there for the finding of the shells and the finding of the Mannlicher-Carcano, and Alyea filmed this. Alyea threw the film out the window, then most of his film was mysteriously destroyed. We just have tiny pieces of it left. And both, most interestingly, both Biffle’s story and Alyea’s story were buried.
Alyea did not come forward and claim credit like any reporter usually would. Kent Biffle wrote an article, in fact, two articles on the 23rd of November. With his name for the Dallas Morning News and in neither one did he admit that he was up on the (sixth) floor in the 22nd. Again, you’d think he and Alyea would be touting this all over the world and instead they kept it very much to themselves. And I question why.
The article was about the assassin crouching and taking deadly aim. And I want to read a portion after Biffle gets into great detail about how three cartridges were found at the corner window, the cold drink bottle with the fried chicken and the Mannlicher rifle found nearby. He quotes Truly the superintendent. He quotes he cites Lumpkin using scores of firemen and policemen to search the building all these details that only somebody on the scene would know and then he cites an anonymous employee of the textbook firm who I think is in fact Truly stating, I’ve never seen this quote anywhere else, “I don’t know if you’re interested in this, but one of the fellows who works here is gone can’t find him anywhere. He’s 23, about five foot nine, weighs about 150 pounds. I’d have to check the payroll section to be sure, but I think he’s been here a couple months. His name is Lee Oswald.” And Biffle claims that he was there for a long period of time thereafter and left, and only after he left did he realize that Lee Oswald was the same person that was the focus of his articles and interactions with Marguerite four years earlier. I find that frankly impossible to believe.
Now, as an aside, I want to say that there were many other individuals that were key in this as well. Bob Schaefer from CBS News fame, he worked for the Star-Telegram, he drives Marguerite as it turns out at the police station; and Pierce Allman was camped out at the Book Depository, but never got past the first floor. Robert McNeil was writing for the Dallas Times Herald. He was working, he was at the Book Depository, but never got past the first floor as well. And then he headed off to Parkland. Jim, his partner later on, Jim Lehrer, who also wrote for the Times Herald. He heard the discussion not to use the bubble top, which was amazing. There’s so much that can be said about the Dallas press and their various roles. But for today, my focus is on Biffle and his colleagues in the big picture, how they framed this story to kind of ruin what happened.
Specifically, I want to call people’s attention to people like Forrest Sorrells who entered the building and said that he came upon a Negro janitor who hadn’t seen anybody leave through that door. Sorrells asked for the manager and was shown to Mr. Truly. Sorrells asked that a list be prepared of the names and addresses for all the employees of the book depository. He was looking for potential witnesses and had no basis for suspecting an employee; well, we know the story of the roll call and I’m going to get there in just a moment. The fellow who ran the story of the roll call was Pat Ganaway. He was in charge of the Special Services Bureau which was basically the intelligence wing of the Dallas police, and there was a description this is Gaeton Fonzi wrote about this back in ’71:
A description of Oswald, for instance, went out over the police radio within 15 minutes after Kennedy was killed. Captain Ganaway, in charge of the police’s Special Service Bureau, later explained that Oswald’s description was broadcast because he was missing from a roll call of the Book Depository employees. He was the only one who didn’t show up and couldn’t be accounted for.
And Gaeton points out, as most of us know, I think, that the facts are that there was no roll call. That 48 of the 75 employees were outside when the president was shot. And that Ganaway quote is picked up in the Dallas Morning News the next day. “He was the only one who didn’t show up and couldn’t be accounted for.” So again, 48 were outside at 12:30, five had not reported for work that day. Others left the building almost immediately upon hearing the shots. Many employees were not allowed to enter the building after the assassination and thus were absent when the police search began. But Mr. Biffle, who had spent much of the afternoon in the building where he’d witnessed officers discovering the rifle, the shells and more, he claimed that he saw two roll calls. He says at the second one at 2:30, everyone was there, but Oswald. Oswald, of course, was already in custody by 2 o’clock. 73 FBI reports reveal 41 were in custody or had left by 2:30. So, this is utter nonsense in his story from November 23rd.
And Ganaway, in fact, with Revill, are party to the famous Kaminski list of the names and addresses of the employees at the location where the Harvey Lee Oswald name comes up as first in line. And then there’s all these check marks on that list pointing out who we hasn’t been able to interview yet. So, this whole roll call business is utter and complete nonsense.
There’s a second story that Kent Biffle writes the same day saying suspected killer defected to Russia in ’59. And I’m going to read the last two paragraphs of this incredibly detailed article, which state that, “The Fair Play for a Cuba Committee founded in New York in 1960 as a group dedicated to supporting the government and policies of Cuban premier Fidel Castro. The group announced its formation in a full-page ad in a New York newspaper. The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee investigating the financing of the ad found that the money came from the Cuban Mission to the United Nations.” Dozens of very deep pieces of information pre -internet that the local columnist has in his article one of, you know, at least two if not more from that day while neglecting to tell us he was on the scene that day. Biffle goes on by November 28th to write an incredibly detailed article about Oswald and his supposed acting alone that day, and it’s so well written, that I suspect it was the model for what’s known as Commission Document 1, which was created about 10 days later by the FBI as its report on the assassination. I think it was one of the main documents they relied on. And it, in turn, CD1 is the framework for nothing less than the Warren Report itself. As many of us know, the FBI investigation was virtually what was rubber stamped by the Warren Commission. They did very little writing of their own.
So, the Kent Biffle story, I ask it this way, was he witting or unwitting? Was he simply given all these leads and told to shut up and your career will be much better and he basically was a cover -up participant, or is it possible that he was even part of the set -up itself? More to discover. But Biffle has not gotten the focus he deserves. He is one of the many people of a dozen or more, I’d say, that I would consider persons of interest in the assassination of the president.
Thank you.
[END OF LECTURE]
ALAN DALE: Thank you, Bill. May I ask a couple of quick things, touch upon a couple of quick things with you?
BILL SIMPICH: Sure. You like the story?
ALAN DALE: Yes.
BILL SIMPICH: Have you ever heard it before?
ALAN DALE: I’ve heard elements of it. News to me that Biffle and Alyea referred to Secret Service during the search.
BILL SIMPICH: I had never seen that till just a few weeks ago. I found that almost by accident.
ALAN DALE: And I, I’ve never heard that most of Alyea’s film was accidentally destroyed or went missing?
BILL SIMPICH: Yes, destroyed
ALAN DALE: Great.
BILL SIMPICH: Yeah, no kidding.
ALAN DALE: Yeah. When do we think that Kent Biffle is (finally) drawing attention to himself by making the connection that this figure, Lee Oswald, is the same person that he was focused upon some time earlier in relation to the Marguerite Oswald angle.
BILL SIMPICH: Biffle doesn’t talk about his connection with Oswald for decades.
ALAN DALE: Oh my God, I didn’t realize that.
BILL SIMPICH: No, he never, I mean, why isn’t he touting himself? I mean, this is kind of what one of the things I wanted to explore. The biggest reason I have a hard time believing that Biffle was part of the setup for the hit, was the fact that he worked with Oswald’s family so closely in ’59 and ’60. It’s stunning to me that nobody found this before me. The person, of course, who led me sort of towards it was Peter Dale Scott, who couldn’t understand why Marguerite was reporting to the Star-Telegram all this, you know, getting her mail there and shit. And that’s what led me to it. I was like, Jesus Christ. I mean, you go through those early Fort Worth newspapers, it’s unbelievable.
ALAN DALE: Yeah. I get it.
BILL SIMPICH: So, but the part that I’m really I’m glad we’re waxing about is the part I really don’t understand is why in the world wouldn’t Biffle try to make his career on the fact that he knew Oswald back in ’59…
ALAN DALE: Exactly the way Pamela or whatever… Priscilla McMillan did.
BILL SIMPICH: Right. Right. I mean, that kind of notoriety vaults your career.
ALAN DALE: It draws attention to itself as arguably inexplicable. It seems perverse.
BILL SIMPICH: Yeah, and he does he didn’t do it on day one and he didn’t do it on day seven and he didn’t do it till year 20, and even then he low balled it.
ALAN DALE: Yeah, astounding.
BILL SIMPICH: So anyway, I mean, for like a year, I was like, this guy’s part of the hit, but now, now I’m getting more nuanced. I’m like, I’m not convinced he’s part of the hit. I think he was being coached by people who were part of the hit.
ALAN DALE: That’s very plausible.
BILL SIMPICH: Yeah, because why else are they telling him to shut up? It makes no sense for him to be shutting up.
ALAN DALE: Thank you so much for participating.
BILL SIMPICH: See you in a bit.
Bill Simpich: Civil Rights attorney, author of ground-breaking articles focusing on the hidden intricacies of the CIA, a leading and insightful analyst of the intelligence files associated with Lee Harvey Oswald’s enigmatic episode in Mexico City seven weeks prior to President Kennedy’s assassination. Bill’s eBook, State Secret, was published in 2013 and may be read in its entirety courtesy of Bill and the Mary Ferrell Foundation: State Secret: Wiretapping in Mexico City, Double Agents, and the Framing of Lee Oswald.
The Twelve Who Built the Oswald Legend is the story of twelve individuals with intelligence connections who shaped the life and stories around Lee Oswald – who built his “legend.” From Oswald’s sojourn to the Soviet Union to his time as a re-defector in the US South, Bill sifts through the record to uncover surprising truths about the man and his legend.
This series is the backstory of the research that culminated in Bill’s book State Secret. A brand-new preface, epilogue, and the text of each essay – including links to the primary documents in the National Archives – can be read by clicking HERE.
Copyright © AARC. All rights reserved.
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BILL SIMPICH: The Dallas Journalists & Law Enforcement that Molded the Assassination Coverage
The AARC presents a new series of lectures commemorating and honoring the legacy of President Kennedy, the inspirational meaning of his term of office, and the consequences of his assassination sixty-one years ago.
In the words of the distinguished British scholar Malcolm Blunt, “Jesus Christ, what we lost when we lost that man.”
Bill Simpich continues with part 2 of his research into the complicity of journalists in the JFK assassination, the careers that profited from this crime, and what happened to the journalists who tried to take a stand – with a special focus on two Dallas/Fort Worth journalists, Kent Biffle (Part 1) and Thayer Waldo (Part 2), and their relationship with both the case and the Oswald family from 1959 to 1967. There will also be an emphasis on how a few law enforcement officers like Dallas police officers George Lumpkin, Pat Gannaway, and Jerry Hill, Assistant DA Bill Alexander, and local Secret Service agent Mike Howard succeeded in manipulating the national media into demonizing Lee Oswald as the lone assassin in the first hours after the assassination and afterwards.
The Dallas Journalists & Law Enforcement that Molded the Assassination Coverage
By Bill Simpich
You thought that story was wild. Wait till you hear this story.
Okay, I’m Bill Simpich and I’m going to offer you the biography of Dallas reporter Thayer Waldo, a story that has never been told properly. I think you’re going to enjoy it and really be thinking hard after you hear it.
Thayer Waldo wrote for the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, and he claims to have been the last individual to shake hands with President Kennedy at Love Field before his car drove off. And Mr. Waldo is reported in this police report I’ve got here, as being at the Trade Mart waiting for the motorcade to arrive.
“Mr. Waldo, accompanied the captain to the police car. Mr. Waldo stated to me that he heard the first bulletin which came over the Dallas police radio, and it was, ‘Bulletin. The president has been shot. It is feared that others in his party have been wounded. The shots came from a triple overpass in front of the presidential automobile.’”
And for those of you who are geographers, that’s also the same direction as the grassy knoll. The sixth-floor of the Book Depository, conversely, is behind the automobile.
If you take a look at the dispatch, the dispatch says just that. You hear Jesse Curry saying, “Go to the hospital, Parkland Hospital, have them stand by. Get a man up on top of the triple underpass and see what happened up there.”
Then you turn to the newspaper the following day and unlike all the other stories, what you see is Mr. Waldo’s article saying, “Security Question Remains Puzzler. Behind the tangled web of tragic circumstance surrounding the assassination one unanswered question: How could it have been permitted to happen?” Nobody else is asking that question. Nobody.
Now, Mr. Waldo had a very interesting background. His wife in the late 1930s was a woman named Grace Clements. She was not only a head of what’s known as the surrealist painter’s movement, she was an artist, but she was also a member of the local communist movement in the Oakland area. So, he saw the communist movement, if you will, firsthand. And he also—it’s kind of like Mr. Oswald, Mr. Waldo had an interesting background, because his father was a business manager at the Stars and Stripes. He was a captain of infantry during the previous war, World War I. And the Stars and Stripes, of course, is a daily newspaper of the United States Armed Forces. He was a president and editor of McClure Newspaper Syndicate. He was well -connected, very tied to the military. And Mr. Waldo is very familiar with the communists.
Now, he went to South America after World War II. And here’s from the FBI reports. “Thayer Waldo reported to Stringer for Drew Pearson.” Remember Drew Pearson, famous journalist for the Washington Post, had the racier stories, more liberal type stories? “In Uruguay in 1948, where he known for inaccurately reporting embassy events, he allegedly friendly with a group of Spanish communists in Uruguay. Reports from Uruguay also disclosed that Waldo derogatory remarks regarding U.S. policy in Latin America and expressed himself as sympathizer in Soviet politics.”
Then it goes on, “Waldo also reportedly served as correspondent to Pearson and Ecuador in Colombia. After being invited to Ecuador by President Galo Plaza, Subject took steps in 1950 to renounce U .S. citizenship…” Like Oswald, sound familiar? “… and obtained Ecuadorian citizenship in order advance official position with latter government. Later decided retain US citizenship…” Again, just like Oswald. “In 1953 was administrator of El Sol, leftist daily in Quito.” That’s Ecuador. “Then he launched the Pacific Post newspaper later that year with a man named Francis Sutherland. That lasted for a small time, only until the two men had a falling out. This falling, the feeling was aggravated when Sutherland charged that Waldo had raped his wife. After the breaking of the partnership, Mrs. Sutherland is reported to have stated that Waldo carried with him his CP (Communist Party) membership card and that he had tried to convert her to communism.”
All this business about the Sutherland’s, I question how much of this is true, whether it is true. So much of this, I think, Waldo and maybe working with Mr. and Mrs. Sutherland, I think all this deserves a lot more investigation to find out why he’s getting painted with this broad brush.
“In June ’53, Waldo deported from Ecuador by the new president. They changed presidents quite a bit for writing derogatory articles concerning the Ecuadorian government.” So, first he’s invited, then he’s kicked out, he’s deported from Uruguay, and we’re gonna see more deportations in his history to come. “January ‘60, Havana Station reported Waldo as American newsman from Mexico City in Havana, who might be offered editorship of the English Language Times in Havana.”
So, he’s, and then late January ‘60, “Mexico station reported subject discussed six-week tour of Cuba with a embassy officials. And then the files show he resided in Mexico City for two years prior to late 1960.”
So, there’s that piece of story, but then here’s another; here’s an FBI or CIA story. This is “1960, Waldo is identified as an overt contact of the Office of Naval Intelligence and he was living in New York City with the BCIU First Avenue, New York City.” The BCIU has lots of guests like the ambassador, George Allen, like the director of the USIA, US Information Agency, Intelligence -oriented, and the executive editor of the Washington Post.
What’s the BCIU? it is the Business Council of the International Americas, and he’s their media consultant. He’s tape recording dozens of interviews with dozens of individuals for Spanish language radio programs where the council will broadcast for medium wave outlets in that area, and the English version is going to be used by the Voice of America. So, you can tell this guy is somehow working both sides of the street.
Here’s the San Francisco Chronicle article saying, “This reporter,” (Waldo reporting to himself about himself) “… spent the first half of 1960 in Cuba. At that time, with the U.S. Embassy, still in operation, fully staffed, eight of its personnel were CIA agents, three worked for the FBI, each of the armed services have from one to five operatives assigned to intelligence work. No special effort was required to learn these facts or to identify the individuals so engaged. Within 30 days of arrival in Havana, their names and agency affiliations were made known to me without solicitation by other correspondents or embassy employees. The latter included one CIA man who volunteered the identities of all three persons accredited to the FBI and a Cuban receptionist, outspokenly pro-Castro, who ticked off the names of three CIA agents with entire accuracy, a later check confirmed. In addition to embassy staffers, the CIA had a number of operatives. I knew 14, but I’m satisfied there were more among the large colony of resident U.S. businessmen.”
He is giving away the company store in the newspaper! In the newspaper. This is highly treacherous material that’s not supposed to be out there.
So, this is really, really, bizarre for him to be putting this in the paper. If he’s putting this in the paper, he’s doing it on purpose to, at the directions of people in intelligence, otherwise they literally wouldn’t be doing it.
Okay, now, from July 1963 to October 1964, Waldo is serving as the feature editor of the Star-Telegram in Fort Worth, Texas. And furthermore, I think it’s worth mentioning here that in 1956, while working for the El Paso Herald Post, he became acquainted with a man named John Sutton, who was then a lieutenant in the U.S. Army in Fort Bliss, Texas, assigned to special communications. He did not see Sutton again until Waldo, having spent about a year and a half in the Dominican Republic on a BCIU project, and as correspondent for a number of U.S. papers, accepted that job of feature editor for the Star-Telegram. Again, that’s the middle of 1963. So, he’s got this working relationship with Sutton, which is going to come up soon here.
Now, Waldo, not only does he shake hands with JFK, claims to be the last guy, but he went directly from the Trade Mart to the police headquarters, the afternoon of November 22, within 30 minutes after learning the president was shot. “When I arrived to Dallas police headquarters, I was the first reporter in any medium so far as I know. Certainly, there was no other evidence to reach the third floor of headquarters. No one attempted to stop me or ask for any identification at that time.”
So, but he’s had quite a day there.
And over the next couple of days, his big contact becomes a man named George Butler, who was a lieutenant or captain, as he describes it, in the Dallas Homicide Division. On the day that Oswald is, shot two days later, the 24th, “Butler came to the Commerce Street end of the ramp, and called out the reporters, “Come in.” Waldo said he and the other reporters entered the ramp at which time a uniformed officer checked their credentials. He said that Butler was an extremely nervous man, so nervous that “when I was standing asking him a question after I’d entered the ramp and gotten down to the basement area,” (and Butler is the head of security according to Waldo) “… just moments before Oswald was brought down, he was standing profile to me and I noticed his lips trembling as he listened and waited for my answer.” Waldo said that when the Dallas detectives escorted Oswald out of the hallway and into the ramp, “it was necessary for them to walk within a few feet of the rear end of the parked police car where Waldo was standing with the ABC man.” Waldo said, as they passed, “the ABC man pushed the microphone out in front of Oswald’s face and asked, ‘Do you have anything to say?’ A man in a hat made one long lunging step from Waldo’s right to the front of Oswald, shoved out his hand, and shot Oswald.”
Now, so Butler, in my mind, is one of the key suspects of this entire plot involving JFK, Oswald, Tippit, you name it.
After a week after the assassination, this man I mentioned, the Army officer in El Paso, John Sutton, who is now living in Fort Worth, he asked Waldo if they could meet at the Dallas Press Club. When they met, Sutton told him he had an informant that had seen Ruby and Tippit and Bernard Weissman together at the Carousel Club.
Remember this story?
This is not the same story, by the way, as the Jarnigan story. This is another story. And he was reluctant to come forward because he had an affair with a stripper that the informant did, and feared he would lose his work and his family if it got out.
Now, as I mentioned earlier when I was talking about Commission Document 1, the FBI report that came out in early December, that report said that Oswald, “a loner all his life, acted by himself.” So, it got leaked to the press. And the question got out pretty quickly, why was the FBI probe leaked to the press?
Very, very good question people were asking that at that time the FBI etc, look pretty sweet with this kind of thing going on. Meanwhile, Sutton and Waldo get together and Sutton introduces him to his informant.
He tells him his informant is Phil Burns, white male late thirties five foot eight, hundred forty-five pounds, chestnut hair glasses, employed at an advertising agency on account of one of Sutton sponsors. Sutton told Waldo a little bit later that he had called the advertising agency and learned Phil Burns’ actual name; his actual name was Paul Bridewell.
Burns said to Waldo that Ruby introduced him to J.D. Tippit and Bernard Weissman. They shook hands. Burns walked away. Heard nothing.
If you want to know my opinion about this whole story about Paul Bridewell, Phil Burns, whether it was made up by Sutton or made up by somebody else. I don’t think Waldo made it, but I’ll tell you this much, I think the whole story about Ruby introducing him to Tippit and Weissman was made up by Burns. It was to get Waldo engaged in red herring type stories.
Waldo said that he was too scared to publish the story and other information that he had about the assassination. He’d been working with Mark Lane at this point. Mark Lane introduces Waldo to Dorothy Kilgallen. Her article about the Tippit, Ruby and Weissman meeting appeared on the front page of the Journal American. And this is like December 8th, two weeks or so, I think, after the assassination.
Around that same time, Marguerite Oswald’s in the paper. She’s going, “I know my son.” And she thinks, as we know, that her son is an agent for American intelligence.
And so, this whole article, December 8th, just attacks Marguerite Oswald up and down the street. And the Journal American picks it up from the AP. The Journal American loves dirt on a variety of subjects. They are really a dangerous outlet in terms of foisting crazy stories.
And you see they’re at the top of the list of press that Hoover watches very carefully. He’s got a little stamp. The stamp has the Washington Post, the Daily News, the Evening Star, the Washington Papers. Then you got the Herald Trib, Journal American, Mirror, Daily News, Post, New York Times. Then you got the communist press, The Worker, The New Leader. Then you got the capitalist press, the Wall Street Journal. You got the popular press, The National Observer, which is nowhere anymore and back to the communist press of People’s World. Those are the 12 people he thought were most important, those papers were the most important on the JFK case.
Can you imagine? It shows you what his agenda is. Meanwhile, more nonsense is getting into the press courtesy of Lonnie Hudkins. Hudkins Advises on December 17th, he’s just returned from a weekend in Dallas where he’s talked to Allan Sweatt from the Chief Criminal Division He’s the Chief, Sheriff’s Office. It’s his opinion Oswald’s being paid $200 by the FBI as an informant in connection with their subversive investigations. He furnished the alleged informant is S-172.
I mean, this is a kind of informant that Jim Hosty worked with all the time. They got paid $200.
Here’s another letter from Hoover to the Warren Commission counsel J. Lee Rankin.
Who’s doing this, spreading this story? Joe Goulden, who’s writing for the Philadelphia Inquirer. He uses 179. Goulden is the guy, by the way, who handles the documents of the Estate of David Atlee Phillips. Goulden is not the guy who I consider a truth teller. And the other people who work with Hudkins to spread this story was Bill Alexander and Hugh Aynesworth, who said they made it up to try to prove that their phones were being tapped by the FBI. I don’t believe these gentlemen for a single moment about anything for a variety of reasons, most of which I think you already know.
Now, here’s the National Guardian, which is the left-wing newspaper in the United States, a progressive news weekly. Their headline is “A Grave Doubt Plagues the United States” and “Is Oswald Innocent? A Lawyer’s Brief,” and they run Mark Lane’s brief attacking the evidence, where some of this evidence is now getting squirreled right inside Mark Lane’s stuff, which I think actually wound up hurting Mark Lane’s credibility. He’s got a lot of good stuff and the bad stuff, I think, is this kind of nonsense.
Now shortly after Rankin writes Marguerite a letter saying,
“I would like to acknowledge receipt of your telegram requesting your attorney be permitted to cross -examine any witnesses whose testimony is taken by this commission, in particular testimony Marina Oswald, and I enclose a copy of your letter to your attorney, Mark Lane.”
Mark Lane and Marguerite want him to have the right to cross-examine these witnesses.
And here is one of the great, great events of dirt, and it comes right from Marguerite’s testimony to the Warren Commission. She’s going to fly out in early February of ’64 to testify, her and Marina. And so, she told Mr. Mark Lane, “I’m not going in the car with Mr. Mike Howard.” He’s the Secret Service guy. And there was another Mr. Howard, by the way, who came that day, and that was Pat, Mike’s brother. I don’t know whether he was his brother or not. We’ll have to find out.
“Sir, that day I was going to leave for Washington. And I said, ‘Mr. Lane, I’m scared to death.’ He says, ‘Don’t worry. I will call Mr. Walden …’“ That’s Mr. Waldo who is the Star-Telegram reporter, “’… and ask him to accompany you.’ And Mark Lane called Mr. Waldo of the Star-Telegram and asked him to company me and Mr. Walden did accompany me with these two Secret Service men to the airport. And when Mr. Walden entered my home, I told him I’m so glad you were here because I didn’t want to go with this agent by myself.”
And I’ve got a photo here courtesy of, none other than Dale Myers, where he superimposes Waldo’s picture with the headline on the Star-Telegram, “Witness to Assassination Waits to Name Oswald. Negro to Give Details.” Who was that witness? Who was that Negro? Well, here’s Mark Lane quoting from what Mike Howard said to him after he dropped off Marguerite.
Mike says to Mark Lane, “Wait till that old black boy gets up in front of the Warren Commission and tells his story. That will settle everything. Yes, sir. He was right there on the same floor looking out that next window, and after that first shot he looked and saw Oswald and then he ran. I saw him in the Dallas Police Station. He was still the scaredest cat “n” I ever saw him. I never saw him tell the officer, ‘Man, you don’t know how fast and fast is ’cause you didn’t see me run that day.’ He said he ran and hid behind the boxes ’cause he was afraid Oswald would shoot him.” Mike Howard then explained that the Negro witness had been arrested by the Special Services Office of the Dallas Police for gambling. And since he was familiar with that branch of the Dallas Police, he immediately gave himself up to that branch. Mr. Howard alleged that he had visited the Negro witness while he was in custody of the special services in the Dallas jail.
And then what happened was, Thayer Waldo ran that article the next day, not with those exact words, but saying that there was a witness who was in protective custody by the Dallas Police. And it was a six-column piece and it made a lot of headlines that you can imagine and lots of letters and this and that. And then Thayer Waldo wound up writing the declaration after Lane tipped off the paper that– and others, I might add– as to Waldo’s identity.
And Mike Howard was his informant. Mike Howard had really pulled a fast one up on Waldo is what had happened.
Waldo writes a declaration.
Well, the way he told it was, “Well, when that old black boy—(this is coming again from Mike Howard)– well, well, then when that old black boy gets before the Warren Commission and tells what he knows, that will stop them all talking.” Pat Howard turned half around in his seat and gave me an elaborate wink with raised eyebrows as if to say, ‘So here’s what I was telling you about.’ He looked and saw Oswald kneeling at the next window with a rifle aimed at the street. Mike Howard said the Negro later told the Dallas police officers to whom he surrendered, ‘I was scared to death. I thought he would kill me too. I just turned and ran way over to the far side of the room and squeezed me down beyond some empty crates.’”
So yeah, Mark Lane pretty well accurately got what Thayer was told by Mike Howard. And Waldo wrapped up his statement to his editor saying under penalty of perjury, “They slapped a vagrancy charge on him so they could hold it, Mike said. He was still just about the scaredest negro I ever saw, nothing but whites to his eyes.” About as racist as you can get. “They have now transferred him somewhere else, I understand. I don’t know where.”
So, here’s the letter Mike Howard wrote, and we just dug this out of the archives a couple weeks ago. Thank you very much, Chad Nagle, for the hard work. What Mike told Forrest Sorrell’s back in February ’64 was, “He was supposed to have heard the shots just above him and had hidden for fear that he might have been shot also. When the Negro found out someone had shot the president, for fear of getting involved, he allegedly had a record of vagrancy or some other minor violation with the Dallas Police Department. My brother and I were laughing about it, not paying any attention to our passenger till he leaned from the back seat and said, ‘Is this Negro going to testify before the Warren Commission?’ I laughed. I said, I didn’t know; that I had never talked to the man and wasn’t even assigned to the assassination investigation. My brother said, ‘I don’t know the name of the Negro or where he was now.’ My brother said, ‘They’re probably holding him in protective custody on a vagrancy charge.’ We all laughed. And then Mike goes, ‘I did not know Waldo was a reporter at the time, he was riding in my car. I knew him only as a friend of Mark Lane, the lawyer of Oswald and his mother, Marguerite.’”
But Pat Howard testified about many months later to the FBI, and Pat admitted, “Mrs. Oswald identified this individual who was to accompany them as Thayer Waldo, a reporter for the Fort Worth Star-Telegram.” Period.
So, the Howard’s couldn’t even get their own story straight, but they didn’t think they were going to get in trouble, and you can bet they did not get in trouble.
The Waldo report to the FBI after this happened, after the article ran a couple days later, Waldo told the FBI that after the story was originally written, the source, Mike Howard, called him on the phone, and the only change in the story was the fact that the witness was not on the sixth floor but on the fifth floor.
He had to massage that little bit and that was the part he massaged and told Forrest Sorrels and then he changed it and then he told Thayer that he got that little part wrong. A pretty important part to get wrong, I might add.
“Jack Revill, Special Services Bureau, Dallas Police, advised he knows of no witness was being held in protective custody. He stated that in his opinion with respect to the story in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, the witness referred to may possibly be Charles Douglas Givens.”
Now, who’s Charles Douglas Givens? I’ll tell you who Charles Douglas Givens is. He was on the sixth floor during the morning filling orders with Lee Oswald on November 22. Lee was standing by the elevator in the building at 11:30 when Givens went to the first floor. When he started down in the elevator, Lee yelled at him to close the gates in the elevator so Lee could have the elevator returned to the sixth floor. On the morning of November 22nd. Givens observed Lee reading a newspaper in the Domino room where the employees eat lunch about 11:50 AM.
So here we are 11:50 AM; Given sees Lee eating lunch, reading the paper.
Now, Givens was only one of four witnesses who stated they saw Oswald on the first floor during lunchtime. William Shelley, supervisor of the floor laying crew said, “I do remember seeing him when I came down to eat lunch about 10 to 12,” as did the building’s janitor, Eddie Piper, who said he saw Oswald just at 12 the clock. Carolyn Arnold saw him at about 12:20. Pat Speer points out that Givens began to change his story within days of Howard’s talking to Waldo.
The February 21st ’64 cover story of Life Magazine, which treated Oswald’s sole guilt as a proven fact, revealed a few minutes after noon as the president and his wife were pulling away from the airport in the open presidential limousine, an employee in the School Book building, Charles Givens, saw Oswald on the sixth floor and said, “Let’s go down and watch the president go by.” “Not now,” Oswald responded. “Just send the elevator back up.”
So, what that means is that now, instead of seeing Oswald in the lunchroom at 11:50, they’re saying, “Oh, right after noontime, Mr. Givens saw Oswald up on the sixth floor and staying on the sixth floor.” That’s pretty serious.
So, here is the exchange between Marguerite and Earl Warren. I want people to understand just how strong Marguerite was during this period of time before we finish the Givens story.
Earl Warren: “It’s not an accusation about your son. It’s an accusation about your son in Texas courts. That’s an entirely different proceeding. We’re here to do justice and be fair to everyone. And it’s our main and only purpose in serving on this commission. None of us cherish this responsibility.”
Mrs. Oswald: “I’m sure, sir.”
Earl Warren: “And the only satisfaction we can derive is to be fair to all concerned. And I assure you that’s our objective.”
Mrs. Oswald again: “I do not imply this commission will not be fair; I know about the men on the commission; they’re all fine men including yourself Chief Justice Warren. But I do state a fact that I do not think that you can come to a true conclusion. I want that for the record.”
And she says, “I implore you, I implore you in the name of justice, to let my son, Lee Harvey Oswald, accused of assassinating the president, I the mother of this man who’s the accused mother, be represented by counsel.”
Chairman: Before you leave Mrs. Oswald, may I say to you first the commission’s not here to prosecute your dead son, it is not here and it was not established to prosecute anyone.”
And Marguerite says, “I’m not in agreement with you. One thing I want to make clear, we do not know the questions you’re asking to myself or Marina or the other witnesses and I contend that you cannot ask him the pertinent questions because you don’t know what I know and what Mr. Lane knows. And so, you will have an analysis in the long run, a conclusion.”
And then Rankin says to Mrs. Oswald, “He was being prepared to become an agent inspired by his recruiting officer?”
Marguerite Oswald: “Yes, sir.”
Rankin: “By what you have told us about reading the Communist literature and this one pamphlet and also the manual of the Marine Corps?”
Marguerite Oswald: “Yes, sir, and then living to when he’s age 17 to join the Marines, which I knew and which he did at age 17 on his birthday.”
Now Rankin goes, “What else do you base your idea that he was ever an agent or became an agent on?”
Mrs. Oswald: “Many many things. We always watched I Led Three Lives, the program about Philbrick, we always watched that, and when Lee returned from the Marines in the service, the three days he was there with me, the program was on and he turned it off. He said, ‘Mother, don’t watch that. That is a lot of propaganda.’”
We’ve heard Robert say he watched it, but that’s Mrs. Oswald. And she also tells us that after he came back from the Marines, he said it’s propaganda, which of course was true.
Mark Lane talks about the Warren Commission’s refusal to appoint him, he said the dead and absent were tried in the courts of Nuremberg as a last resort to prevent embarrassment, they appointed the president of a bar association to conduct the defense of Oswald. And then they forgot all about it.
And Lane added, “It is the first time in history that counsel has been appointed forgetting about the counsel retained by the family.” The guy did nothing. He sat there like a, you know, like a mannequin.
In April, Givens changes his story to the FBI. No longer Oswald’s alibi witness. Givens was now the Warren Commission star witness. He alone, among all the witnesses, is supposed to have seen Oswald on the sixth floor of the Book Depository by 11:55 and never saw him downstairs between 11:30 to 12:30. And this comes from Don Thomas’ essay, Rewriting History, “Hence Givens gave two accounts of Oswald’s whereabouts, one in November that tended to corroborate Oswald’s alibi, and a second in April that tended to incriminate him, yet his statement in November contained no mention of Oswald on the sixth floor, while the statement in April contains a denial that he’d seen Oswald elsewhere.”
So, that’s the Givens wrap up, and that’s the way the Givens story has been told for the last 60 years, as not an alibi, but rather the great accuser.
Now, Waldo, about a month later, in May, he gave a deposition to the Warren Commission and he told the FBI later on that he didn’t get into all these events and the reason why was because he was enjoined before beginning his formal declaration please confine yourself exclusively to the events of November 24th 1963.
Now as damning as it was about George Butler, you don’t read anything else about George Butler anywhere. And Waldo’s statements about all these other events, which were incredibly important, were not allowed to be part of the testimony.
Now, what did Waldo do? He offered an Warren Commissioner interview person, Leon Hubert, a manuscript he wrote with reporter Ed Johnson, called The Dallas Murders. He offered it to him on the record. Hubert didn’t want it. So, who did he work with instead? Dorothy Kilgallen.
That’s who he gave his story to, as I mentioned. And that was published, I had the date wrong. It was actually not published until September the 3rd, 1964.
Who else was he working with? He was working with people like Jim Koethe and Bill Hunter. And Ed Johnson. Koethe was the one focused hardest on the book publicly. Waldo did not want to be publicly associated. He was scared for his life, scared for his family. Koethe’s associates were Waldo, Johnson and Bill Hunter. Koethe, Waldo and Johnson covered the presidential visit for their papers and all three of them covered the assassination and the ruby trial. Koethe’s task for the book was an in -depth study of the leaders in Dallas. Koethe was killed supposedly with a karate chop coming out of his shower later in September 64, days after Kilgallon’s heart attack and then falsely accused of being gay. Bill Hunter, who had been assisting on the book, had been killed five months early, shot while sitting down in a police station by a Long Beach officer who first said he had dropped his revolver and then changed his story and said he was playing quick draw like Quick Draw McGraw with his partner when the gun went off.
Within a week, I’ve done work on grand with around grand jury proceedings and arrest and this is unbelievable what I’m gonna tell you here. Within a week, a 22-year-old ex-con from Alabama named Larry Earl Reno was picked up selling Koethe’s personal effects and held on suspicion of murder.
As opposed to his personal effects he had in his house, the notes of his book. They were never found, just like Dorothy Kilgallen a year later. When the Reno case came before the grand jury, district attorney Henry Wade secretly instructed the jurors not to indict an extraordinary move for a chief prosecuting officer with as strong a case as he had. So, he put on a whole case and then he told the jurors not to indict.
Can you imagine? And the jurors went along with Wade. And then, you know, Dorothy Kilgallen went on to write a column a month later saying, Maybe You Didn’t Know. And she was furious about the whole situation involving the Warren Commission report, which just came out days earlier, days after the Koethe killing.
Kilgallen wrote, “At any rate, the whole thing smells a bit fishy. It’s a might too simple that a chap kills the president of the United States, escapes from that bother, kills a policeman, eventually is apprehended in a movie theater under circumstances that defy every law of police procedure, and subsequently is murdered under extraordinary circumstances.”
Now, as a result of this terrible drama with the article that blew up in his face in May of ’64, Waldo was asked, basically, to depart from his newspaper, and then he was asked to depart, as we’ll see, from Mexico himself in 1967.
How did this series of events occur? Bill Turner was quoted in the Mexico City paper in ’67 telling this story. Waldo explained his resignation from the University of the Americas in Mexico City as resulting from pressures applied to university officials by powerful American business interests following his talk at the Foreign Correspondents Club, debunking the war on reporters. Waldo went on vacation in Los Angeles. In July, Turner said he wired his resignation and then followed up with a letter to the head of the university.
So, he wound up writing for the local paper in Illinois called the Alton Evening Telegraph, a real step down.
From then, Waldo had a pretty tough life. He wound up living in Mexico in the 1980s. I found a good article about reuniting a child he gave up for adoption two years before he died. He died in 1989 under mysterious circumstances in the embassy in Mexico City.
And the question has to be asked, was he one of ours or was he one of theirs?
And by ours, I mean the research community as opposed to theirs, meaning the people who were involved in the cover-up of this assassination, if not worse.
And I am confident in walking through this material that Thayer Waldo was one of ours and the other side spent its time packing the record, or attempting to pack the record through him.
And the last thing I want to say is that Bridwell story, the informant, the fellow who Waldo wound up telling the story to, he was already out of the business and he was a guy in. He said, maybe you can do something with it. And the guy he gave the Bridewell story to was no one else other than Larry Shiller, who wrote all those bogus books with poor Norman Mailer, who was forced to do it because he hadn’t paid his taxes, needed to curry favor with the powers that be. So, he wrote Oswald’s Tale and all those other books.
I love Norman Mailer. I’m not a fan of Larry Shiller for obvious reasons. And Larry worked with the FBI trying to find this guy and they had nothing but bogus leads, like him living in Oregon and this and that. But I found a guy who I think really was Bridwell and which led me to believe that Sutton was probably on the level and Waldo was probably on the level ’cause I found a guy named Paul Bridwell who had Texas connections, had Texas lineage. Although he didn’t grow up there, he had spent time there. And in fact, he left the service in July of 1963 and probably found himself at that advertising agency in Dallas.
The guy’s name, Paul Bridwell. Well, he was there at Guadalcanal and he was out there in Saipan. And years later, its commanding officer had the duty of protecting the CIA headquarters out there on Saipan.
And so, when they were out there looking for all people, you’re not going to believe this, Amelia Earhart. He gave them some good leads and at the same time, he made their job very difficult. He was security -oriented. I don’t think Bridwell was involved in killing JFK. And I don’t think he probably wasn’t even wittingly involved in the cover. He may have been unwittingly. He may have been wittingly. His job was security. He was a security guy. He made sure people were not able to get to the far side of the island where the CIA facility was. He did give our local reporter a couple of helpful leads on the Earhart story, I believe, I don’t believe they were phoney.
So, there it is. It’s wheels within wheels. I think Waldo was one of ours.
Thank you.
NOTABLES:
Jim Koethe – Dallas reporter, murdered Sept 1964 by a karate chop by an unknown assailant in his home. The notes to his book on the assassination were never found.
Bill Simpich: Civil Rights attorney, author of ground-breaking articles focusing on the hidden intricacies of the CIA, a leading and insightful analyst of the intelligence files associated with Lee Harvey Oswald’s enigmatic episode in Mexico City seven weeks prior to President Kennedy’s assassination. Bill’s eBook, State Secret, was published in 2013 and may be read in its entirety courtesy of Bill and the Mary Ferrell Foundation: State Secret: Wiretapping in Mexico City, Double Agents, and the Framing of Lee Oswald.
The Twelve Who Built the Oswald Legend is the story of twelve individuals with intelligence connections who shaped the life and stories around Lee Oswald – who built his “legend.” From Oswald’s sojourn to the Soviet Union to his time as a re-defector in the US South, Bill sifts through the record to uncover surprising truths about the man and his legend.
This series is the backstory of the research that culminated in Bill’s book State Secret. A brand-new preface, epilogue, and the text of each essay – including links to the primary documents in the National Archives – can be read by clicking HERE.
Copyright © AARC. All rights reserved.
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Bill Simpich: Analyzing the New JFK Revelations
Review of New CIA and FBI Documents That Change Cold War History

Bill Simpich is a civil rights attorney in the San Francisco Bay Area. He is on the board of directors of the Mary Ferrell Foundation, an organization focused on the study of documents related to the 1960s assassinations, Watergate, and Iran-Contra.
In the following essay, he offers a look at some of the gems found in the new JFK document releases and how to speed up the discovery of future finds.
More than 50 years after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, thousands of government documents related to his death are still under classified lock and key.
By law, all of the remaining secret documents were supposed to have been released last year. President Donald Trump approved the release of approximately 35,000 files in 2017. But he delayed the publication of many other documents in full or in part until 2021 — when the winner of the 2020 presidential election will have another chance to review them for possible declassification.
Researchers have been digging through the released documents in search of a “smoking gun” file which neatly explains to skeptics what really happened that dark day in Dallas. While it’s possible such a document exists, it’s unlikely.
The difficult job of understanding why a president was murdered, and unpacking the Cold War path that America was treading, involves working through the minutiae — the “boring” material — so that the little puzzle pieces can fit together to form a coherent bigger picture.
One year ago this week, the National Archives and Records Administration released the first of what were to be seven batches of newly declassified documents. Some of those documents had actually been released in past decades, albeit with extensive redactions. Others had never been seen before.
Analysis of the newly available documents, including those released in the 1990s — most of which still remain undigitized — are already shedding light on the murky background of President Kennedy’s murder.
Among other things, the findings offer a golden opportunity to unpack more of the hidden history of the Cold War, revise our assumptions about that fraught era, and — finally — get the story right.
There will be no new document releases until 2021. That gives us three years to digest what we already have, and to create some stronger tools for analysis.
But the work of researchers and interested citizens is already paying off.
Intriguing Revelations From the New Documents
Take the ongoing research on cryptonyms, or crypts — government codewords for people, places, and things that the intelligence community meant to keep hidden.
As someone who has spent a lot of time solving CIA cryptonyms for the Mary Ferrell Foundation (MFF) website, one of the premier online digital archives of JFK documents, let me say a brief word on why decoding the cryptonyms is important. When you know the names of the CIA programs, officers, and agents whose names are hidden, a whole new way of seeing the world opens up to you.
Cryptonyms usually begin with a two-letter prefix that identifies the country of origin (e.g., “AM” for Cuba or “LI” for Mexico), and then the remainder of the word reveals the program (e.g., AMCANOE refers to a project to unify exiles, many of whom had traveled by water from Cuba into the US).
It becomes particularly important when you see memos like this, saying that “we cannot give wholesale approval for their release [cryptonyms], but if the crypts have been previously blown or exposed they can be released.”
The JFK case is a jigsaw puzzle the size of a football field. Photo credit: Adapted by WhoWhatWhy from Jolene Faber / Flickr (CC BY 2.0) and ARCHIVES.GOV.
Many new crypts have been revealed in the new release. Just two of the recent examples:
CONTINUE READING at WhoWhatWhy
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JFK RECORDS: Three Congressmen offered a ten-point program we should support. Here it is:
Courtesy of Bill Simpich:
January 23, 2025
Cohen is a Democrat, Schweikert and Burchett are Republicans. These Congressmen have been in contact with many JFK researchers, and this ten point plan shows that there has been good communications among many people with differing political views.
Note that this letter calls for a new search by all agencies to conduct a new search that will immediately turn over all documents “pertaining to the assassination”, as well as an independent oversight board to ensure that it gets done, as well as immediate digitizing of all JFK documents in the hands of the Archives.
To circulate the letter, here it is: https://cohen.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/cohen.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/JFK Docs Release LTR 1-23-25.pdf
If we can get more Congresspeople and other elected officials and members of the public to sign on to this letter or offer their support to the ten points in this letter, it will make a real difference in the days ahead.
The plan for the release of JFK records is scheduled to be revealed on Friday, February 7. This is the best plan out there.
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WITH NO SATISFACTORY EXPLANATION
[Editor’s Note: The next time a talking head assures you that there is nothing in the JFK records of any significance, you might want to ask what they can tell you about exactly what’s not in the JFK records. Courtesy of Bill Simpich, Bill Kelly, and AARC Board member Malcolm Blunt. This new feature is a work in progress.Bill Simpich
1. Despite the specific requests of the Assassination Records Review Board, very few assassination-related documents have been provided by NSA. The bulk of them were from their counsel’s office. While the CIA and FBI turned over hundreds of thousands of documents, only a few hundred were provided by NSA. NSA flatly asserted that none of their intelligence documents contained anything of investigatory significance to the JFK assassination. This statement is nonsensical, and should be given no weight.
2. In the same vein, all of the military intelligence agencies provided very few documents in comparison to the CIA and the FBI. One minor but illustrative example is the failure to find any records for the Director of ONI from 1959-1964. There are very few records of their handling of anti-Castro assets, agents, and informants. Their collective response is equally nonsensical to that of the NSA, and should be construed as a non-response.
3. LIFEAT records (listening posts not the embassies/consulates – generally on the homes and offices of targets) from December 1962-December 3, 1963 are missing. Note from 1977 to “Chris”, presumably Latin American Division chief Chris Hopkins, asks: “What is going on?” 104-10307-10055: FORM: PPD PHOTOGRAPHIC REQUISITION/HANDWRITTEN NOTES RE LIMITED, LIONION, LIFEAT, LIOMEN, LITAINT
4. At least 18 Staff D dispatches to NSA during autumn 1963 are missing from the files. On a couple of occasions, including 8/31/78, these specific Staff D documents were requested. The HSCA was told that the eighteen documents directed to Staff D remained unretrievable, because no “file number” was assigned to them. The logical conclusion is that these dispatches received no “file number” precisely because they involve Staff D.
5. The daily “resumen” (wiretap summary) provided by the LIENVOY basehouse monitors for the period from 9/15/63 to 10/15/63 has not been provided despite a specific HSCA request – a full response as required by the JFK Act would have demanded all relevant resumen for a much longer period of time.
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Publication Spotlight: State Secret: Wiretapping In Mexico City, Double Agents and the Framing of Lee Oswald by Bill Simpich
The Mary Ferrell Foundation is pleased to present the online serialization of this book by Bill Simpich. State Secret: Wiretapping in Mexico City, Double Agents, and the Framing of Lee Oswald delves deeply into the strange story of the Oswald Mexico City trip two months before the assassination, and how these events were used as part of the framing of Oswald after 11/22/63. With a focus on the wiretap operation and the curious manipulation of CIA information on Oswald, and based on voluminous research using the MFF’s CIA records, Bill presents a compelling new analysis of this mysterious event.
“State Secret recounts an oft-told tale in the events leading to the Dallas tragedy: the story of Lee Harvey Oswald in Mexico City in September and October 1963. Bill Simpich adds revelatory new detail along with minimal theorizing and maximum lucidity about what we don’t know. To put it simply, he lays bare a state secret: the fact pattern of a counterintelligence operation.” Jefferson Morley, Investigator; Journalist; author of “Our Man In Mexico: Winston Scott and the Hidden History of the CIA” and “Snow-Storm In August: The Struggle For American Freedom and Washington’s Race Riot of 1835;” Editor In Chief, JFKFacts.org.
“The most important recent development in the JFK research community has been the ability to data-mine thousands of pages of primary material in record time. The ability to find leads, collate and cross reference data, and share information through sites like Mary Ferrell and the AARC is a quantum leap for serious researchers who are willing to put in the effort to run down each angle. No one has illustrated the power of these new tools like Bill Simpich, whose original and thorough examination of the intelligence connections to Lee Harvey Oswald is some of the most important work to be introduced in the past decade. That he has freely provided the fruits of his intense labor is a tribute to his sincerity and a model for other researchers.” Stuart Wexler, Historian; Researcher; Lecturer; co-author of “The Awful Grace of God” and “Shadow Warfare,” with Larry Hancock, and most recently, “America’s Secret Jihad,” his first solo effort.
“Standard intelligence requires that the identity and activities of virtually everyone associated with both operations and intelligence collection be protected from foreign espionage though the use of cryptograms (crypts), cover names and cover identities – as well as the use of aliases by operational personnel. While necessary for operational security, those practices make the historical study of intelligence documents extremely difficult, even once they are released in full. It requires intense study and comparison of literally thousands of both field and headquarters documents to determine the true names of both individuals and operations – such extreme efforts have been undertaken by no more than a handful of researchers. Simpich is clearly among the leaders in such work. In State Secret, Simpich has taken us beyond spy novels into the real world of intelligence operations – a world far more complex in fact than in fiction.” Larry Hancock, author of acclaimed volumes on America’s hidden histories: “Someone Would Have Talked,” “Nexus,” co-author with Stuart Wexlar of “The Awful Grace of God” and “Shadow Warfare.” His newest work is “Surprise Attack: From Pearl Harbor to 9/11 to Benghazi,” publication date, September 15, 2015.
State Secret: Wiretapping In Mexico City, Double Agents and the Framing of Lee Oswald
Preface*
This book is about the counterintelligence activity behind the JFK story and its role in the death of President Kennedy. It examines how the existence of tapes of a man in Mexico City, identifying himself as Oswald, were discovered before the Kennedy assassination and hidden after the assassination. On November 23, 1963, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover wrote President Lyndon Johnson and the Secret Service chief, telling both of them that the caller was not Lee Harvey Oswald. These tapes showed that the supposed “lone gunman” had been impersonated just weeks before the killing of JFK, tying him to Cuban and Soviet employees in a manner that would cause great consternation in the halls of power on November 22.
The other aspect of this book is about how the importance of the Mexico City tapes collided with the national security imperative of hiding American abilities in the field of wiretapping. These tapes were created by wiretapping the Soviet consulate. World leaders prize wiretapping because it enables them to find out the true motives of their friends and adversaries. It’s no wonder that Edward Snowden was castigated for daring to reveal the nature of these jewels. Back in 1963, wiretapping was the domain of the CIA’s Staff D, the super-secret division that did the legwork for much of the signals intelligence or ‘sigint’ that was provided to the National Security Agency.
The hiding of the tapes paralyzed any effort to conduct an honest investigation into what happened. Within days of the assassination, the agencies were flooded with phony evidence tying Oswald to a Soviet assassination team and Red Cuban plots. Lyndon Johnson and Robert Kennedy probably knew little about the tapes, but acquiesced to the cover-up rather than run the risk of a war on Cuba which might include the USSR. This story explains why LBJ was so insistent that Chief Justice Earl Warren chair the investigating commission and prevent the possibility of “40 million dead Americans”, and why the Warren Commission was denied access to the investigators, witnesses and documents needed to solve the case.
To win over Warren, LBJ said that “I just pulled out what Hoover told me about a little incident in Mexico City.” The purpose of this book is to bring this state secret into the sunlight. Sunlight on this secret dissipates idle talk of mystery. The more facts we can expose to the cold light of day, the less time is spent feeling our way through the dark. […]
The cover-up of the President’s death is a state secret. The tale of the Mexico City tapes is a state secret. Much of the history of the United States is hidden from us, behind a wall of overclassifications and redactions. By comparison, we know more about the JFK case than I ever thought was possible. Much more of it sits in the National Archives and on the websites of the Mary Ferrell Foundation, the Poage Legislative Library at Baylor, the Harold Weisberg Archive at Hood College, the National Security Archive, the presidential libraries, and many more locations, waiting for us to read it, sift through it, and analyze it. The hyperlinks in this story enable the reader to view the original documents and engage in the hunt. Are we interested in serious work, or would we rather argue about it as a form of entertainment?
Preface
Chapter 1: The Double Dangle
Chapter 2: Three Counterintelligence Teams Watched Oswald
Chapter 3: The Cuban Compound In Mexico City Was Ground Zero
Chapter 4: Mexico City Intrigue — The World of Surveillance
Chapter 5: The Mexico City Solution
Chapter 6: The Set-up and the Cover-up
Conclusion: Only Justice Will Stop A Curse
The JFK case is not an insoluble mystery, but more of a steeplechase. What we need is access to our history and a passion for tough-minded analysis. It’s not a lot different than a clear-eyed examination of the roots of war, or what it will take to end world hunger or global warming. Errico Malatesta was a well-known Italian agitator who spoke throughout Europe about his vision for a better world. Malatesta would often suggest that “everything depends on what the people are capable of wanting.”
–Bill Simpich
Read State Secret: Wiretapping In Mexico City, Double Agents and the Framing of Lee Oswald
*The Mary Ferrell Foundation and the Assassination Archives and Research Center have been able to publish 1.5 million documents and provide a variety of research tools because of the financial support of people like yourself. Rather than charge money for his efforts, Bill Simpich asks you to contribute a donation at the home page of either or both of these invaluable organizations.
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Sirhan Denied Parole: It’s a Broken Criminal Justice System
By Bill Simpich, Reader Supported News | 25 February, 2016

Paul Schrade at the Sirhan parole hearing. Schrade, a victim at the Robert Kennedy assassination in 1968, testified in Sirhan’s defense. (photo: Washington Post)
Bernie Sanders keeps driving it home. “We have a broken criminal justice system.” Sanders thunders that the focus is on incarceration, not rehabilitation. The above photo is introduced as Exhibit A.
Sirhan Sirhan, the accused killer of Robert F. Kennedy, was denied parole for the 15th time on Wednesday, February 10. After 48 years in prison, he has done everything he could to change his life. Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has called not only for his release but for a new investigation of his father’s death.
One of the men Sirhan shot, UAW organizer Paul Schrade, testified on Sirhan’s behalf at the hearing. Schrade, 91, expressed his confidence that a second gunman shot Bobby. Sparks flew when Schrade turned to Sirhan and said, “Sirhan, I forgive you.” The parole board told Schrade he had no right to speak to the prisoner.
Schrade is one of the victims of Sirhan’s bullets. Schrade has spent more than 40 years mastering the evidence in the RFK murder. Under California law, a victim can speak at the parole hearing for as much time as he or she wants. How dare these people say that Schrade cannot look into a man’s eyes and speak to him?
Because the people who run the criminal justice system are powerful, well-connected, and above the law. The RFK murder was figured out a long time ago. There was a second gunman, but the California criminal justice system has no interest in looking for the killer.
The cover-up in the RFK case is well-documented. Review the evidence at sirhanbsirhan.org or at any number of competent websites. We live in a society that has lost its way. We need a mighty burst of outrage to turn things around.
Sirhan has determined attorneys, but they have little power in the face of a determined law enforcement machine that is unaccountable to its citizens.
Bernie Sanders puts his finger right on it when he talks about the outrageous number of people of color facing criminal charges while the fraud artists on Wall Street walk free. A steadily increasing percentage of prisons are now run for profit by the private sector – Sanders says this also must end.
The political battle must be waged – justice cannot depend on dollars.
Ever try to research the funding sources of the criminal justice system? Good luck. You will find a series of opaque sources.
The district attorneys are an incredibly conservative bunch with seemingly unlimited budgets. The public defender’s office is traditionally stretched like a tightrope with an inherently unmanageable caseload.
Want a private lawyer? Good luck. Most people facing criminal charges cannot afford counsel except in the simplest of cases.
A look at the police department is like a look at the DA’s office. In most cities, police budgets are considered sacrosanct. Police associations run roughshod over citizens’ review boards that attempt to actually discipline officers.
In this bleak landscape, how did Black Lives Matter get traction? Great organizers, yes. And cell phones. Videos showing people of color being lynched broke out across the Internet and into the evening news. People fighting back on this front is reason to rejoice.
But go to the courthouse some morning for a wake-up call when they announce the criminal calendar.
The attack on people of color and the poor is a never-ending campaign. The latest wrinkle is that now the Feds seem to have found the perfect tool to harass the political dissidents.
Last June, the US Supreme Court issued a ruling in Holder v. the Humanitarian Law Project. The court decided that nonviolent First Amendment speech and advocacy “coordinated with” or “under the direction of” a foreign group listed by the Secretary of State as “terrorist” was a crime.
In this case, human rights workers wanted to teach members of the Kurdistan PKK, which seeks an independent Kurdish state, and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which sought an independent state in Sri Lanka, how to use humanitarian and international law to peacefully resolve disputes.
Despite the nonviolent, peace-making goal of this speech and training, the Supreme Court interpreted the law to make such conduct a crime.
The Court held that any “material support,” even if it involves nonviolent efforts toward peace, is illegal under the law since it “frees up other resources within the organization that may be put to violent ends,” and also helps lend “legitimacy” to foreign terrorist groups.
This means Obama could have been prosecuted for supporting Nelson Mandela. Jimmy Carter could be facing charges for monitoring Lebanese elections. But this is not going to happen to the rich and powerful – which includes people like Obama and Carter.
Here’s what is happening, as reported by Michael Deutsch of the People’s Law Office in Chicago:
“In late September the FBI carried out a series of raids of homes and anti-war offices of public activists in Minneapolis and Chicago. Following the raids the Obama Justice Department subpoenaed 14 activists to a grand jury in Chicago and also subpoenaed the files of several anti-war and community organizations …
“Federal prosecutors are intent on accusing public non-violent political organizers, many affiliated with Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO), of providing ‘material support,’ through their public advocacy, for the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).
“The Secretary of State has determined that both the PLFP and the FARC ‘threaten US national security, foreign policy or economic interests,’ a finding not reviewable by the Courts.”
It’s a whole new exception to the First Amendment.
Do you need any more evidence that we have a broken criminal justice system? It’s astounding that we have a presidential candidate who gets this right. Most of the members of Congress don’t have a clue. We have to stand up in large numbers and wade into the fight.
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Bobby Kennedy and the Promise of Rebirth

Robert F. Kennedy delivers his victory speech for the 1968 California democratic primary at the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles. Moments later he was shot. (photo: Dick Strobel/AP)
“The key question is to pass beyond the facts of CIA’s operations to the reasons they were established – which inexorably will lead to economic questions:
Preservation of property relations and other institutions on which rest the interests of our own wealthy and privileged minority.
These, not the CIA, are the critical issue.“
— Phillip Agee, CIA Officer
It was 1968.
Bobby Kennedy was running for President.
He offered the opportunity to redeem the terrible slaying of his brother.
Bobby blamed himself for Jack’s death. If it hadn’t have been for the machinations around Cuba, Jack might have still been President.
Bobby was in the middle of those machinations. He had been giving advice to the CIA on how to do its job in Latin America and elsewhere. Many Agency officers did not appreciate his efforts, and said so.
He had his own ideas on how to overthrow Castro – while ordering the Agency to stop working with the Mafia to assassinate the Cuban leader.
He had his own ruthless side. Historian Evan Thomas has described how Bobby considered manufacturing an incident to justify an American invasion in the midst of the Cuban missile crisis.
He also supported his brother when Jack changed tactics and tried to reach rapproachement with Fidel in the summer and autumn of 1963.
In the days after Jack’s death, both Bobby and Jackie Kennedy reached out to the Russians and told them that they believed that JFK had been killed due to a domestic operation.
LBJ didn’t want any part of Cuba after what happened to JFK. He turned to Vietnam.
The escalation of civil rights struggles in the midst of a war economy resulted in a social explosion. LBJ was forced to step down. Bobby found himself being forced to step up.
The question of “who had what” and “who had how much” was on the table.
The Black Panthers were seen doing security at his big city rallies.
He traveled to the Mississippi Delta to learn more about poverty.
Cesar Chavez and Bobby stood together in the Central Valley fields.
Working-class white people embraced RFK as one of their own. He was Irish. His father was a bootlegger.
Religious leaders welcomed him. He was a devout Catholic, fiercely ecumenical.
He was determined to bring an end to the Vietnam War.
In a divisive time, a terrible time, he offered the possibility of healing.
He delivered an incredible oration in Indianapolis that prevented riots in that city during the night that Martin Luther King was killed.
To that largely African American audience, he spoke about Aeschylus, the ancient Greek playwright. Aeschylus is known as the father of tragedy.
Bobby had studied Aeschylus in his attempts to cope with his profound suffering.
Aeschylus worked in a vineyard. He told how the god Dionysus visited him in his sleep. Dionysus commanded him to make tragedy his life’s work.
Aeschylus and his brother Cynegeirus fought to defend Athens during the Persian invasion at the Battle of Marathon. The Athenians triumphed over impossible odds. Cynegeirus, however, died in the battle.
From memory, Bobby quoted Aeschylus to the men and women turned towards him that night.
“He who learns must suffer. And even in our sleep pain that cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart, and in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdom to us by the awful grace of God.”
Even now, it is hard to grasp the loss of Martin Luther King. Or Medgar Evers. Or the four little girls in Birmingham. Or Malcolm. Or many other civil rights leaders.
When there was a second Kennedy assassination, it seemed like the end of hope.
Many of Bobby’s followers turned to the right and voted for George Wallace in the general election, a Southern governor who stood for segregation.
What made it even worse – if humanly possible – is that there was no attempt for justice for Bobby.
Everyone knew Sirhan Sirhan had fired a revolver – but the coroner made a critical finding.
“The powder residue pattern on the right ear of Senator Kennedy was caused at a muzzle distance of approximately one inch.”
No one saw Sirhan get closer than two feet from RFK. No one ever saw him get behind Bobby’s head. The acoustics evidence showed 13 shots. There were more than eight bullet holes. Sirhan’s revolver held eight bullets.
The evidence was manipulated by a special police unit led by Manuel Pena, who intimidated witnesses and misconstrued the facts at every turn. Pena had been working on special assignments for the CIA for more than ten years.
The autopsy report showing the “one inch muzzle distance” was not given to Sirhan’s lawyer Grant Cooper until he had already stipulated to his client’s guilt.
Furthermore, Cooper was fatally compromised. The attorney was facing disbarment due to a controversy involving grand jury papers found on his desk while he was on a defense team representing Johnny Rosselli, a key player in the CIA-Mafia plots to assassinate Fidel Castro.
Cooper wasn’t about to rock the boat by putting the government on trial. He used a diminished capacity defense and ignored the second gunman evidence. It was no surprise that this anemic approach failed. Sirhan was convicted for first degree murder and was given life in prison. Why did Sirhan do it? Who were his compatriots? We, the people, learned nothing.
From the seventies onward, the progressive challenge was to fight against succumbing to apathy. Poverty in America went from bad to worse. The forces of military and intelligence took a momentary hit after Vietnam, only to proceed to double and redouble their formidable budgets.
Many progressive organizers were no longer willing to work in national politics – or politics at all.
George McGovern managed to obtain the Democratic nomination in 1972 – only to learn later on that his victory was the plan of the Nixon inner circle. Nixon’s people sabotaged the campaign of the more centrist Ed Muskie.
Remember Lucianne Goldberg – the woman who convinced Linda Tripp to convince Monica Lewinsky to hold on to the blue dress with Clinton’s DNA all over it? During 1972, she succeeded in the outing of McGovern’s vice presidential candidate Tom Eagleton for electroshock treatments, effectively destroying any chance the campaign had to overtake Nixon’s reelection machine.
There was a resurgence of progressive work in the 70s – steadily beaten down and marginalized by the strange terrors of the SLA, the Zebra Killings, and Jonestown. The strange deaths of Harvey Milk and George Moscone. The mysterious assassination of RFK champion Al Lowenstein, one of the only politicians questioning the cause of Bobby’s assassination.
All of these tragedies – from JFK’s death to the shooting of Reagan – had one thing in common: the determined incuriosity of the elected classes and the media. Any organized attempt to investigate these events was waved off as unpatriotic or scoffed at as paranoid.
The result was predictable: A country that no longer knows its history. A nation with little belief in progress, or even the notion of progress. A culture that can be readily manipulated by yet another shock or media event.
The shooting of leaders seemed to end with the shooting of Reagan. The strange events then shifted to “honey traps” – Gary Hart and Bill Clinton were just two men whose careers and reputations took a U-turn. Plenty of Republican and Democratic leaders were taken down in the process. A particularly virulent form of opposition research.
The underground economy of drugs became as large as the visible economy. Arms trading, secret wars, Iraq, Afghanistan – fueled by the powerful tools emerging from Silicon Valley – became the driver of employment. The economy of the middle of the country was hollowed out. Manufacturers fled to the Third World for fewer regulations and cheaper labor. Meanwhile, the cost of real estate on the coastlines of the US and Western Europe spiraled to undreamed-of heights.
Now, in 2018, economic dislocation is the order of the day. Like in FDR’s time.
People in the West now realize what they have in common. In a culture based on possessions, most Americans own relatively little. The last thirty years have seen the biggest transfer of wealth from one social class to another in human history. One percent of the population controls about 40 percent of the resources.
The antipoverty organizer Cheri Honkala likes to say: “The poor have zero. They don’t own anything, so they can’t owe anything. A big portion of the middle class is $80,000 or more in debt.”
It’s no accident that candidates like Bernie Sanders have risen to the forefront. For decades, people on the left did contortions to avoid being called “liberals.” Sanders calls himself a “democratic socialist.” The polls show that enormous sectors of the voting population identify with his description.
In an era where Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, #NeverAgain, Fight for 15, and the Poor People’s Campaign are gaining traction, Bernie Sanders is just about the only socialist member of Congress. It’s hard to describe a more profound disconnect between the state and the people.
It’s also hard to describe a more profound disconnect for my generation, the Boomers. Ever since the Kennedys and the McGovern effort, progressives have been in the political wilderness.
With the aid of a corporate-driven security council, the Carter administration thought it would be clever to create a quagmire for the Soviets in Afghanistan. Then they invited the Shah of Iran to take refuge in the United States. It’s been downhill ever since.
The Boomers began their lives with youthful dreams of utopia. We have now spent our adult lives surrounded by Republicans and Republican-like Democrats. For most of my life, the legacy of FDR being prodded by vibrant social movements seemed as distant as Joan of Arc and the Hundred Years’ War.
The centrist Obama offered a brief moment of hope. Occupy and the social movements that erupted during Obama’s time were far more significant. Bernie Sanders opened the door to something real.
Look at the elections this week. Progressives are rising up around the country. Young working-class veterans are joining the fight, coming from a social milieu that doesn’t usually run for office.
These candidates would be getting nowhere without the emerging social movements. These movements are led by people of color and the millennials – the essential ingredients for lasting social change.
Last week, RFK Jr. called for a new investigation of his father’s death, stating that he was now convinced there was a second gunman. His call was joined by his sister, former Maryland, Lt. Governor Kathleen Kennedy Townsend.
The Kennedy family, for understandable reasons, has historically been reluctant to endanger any more family members by taking a position on this explosive question. Many Americans ask a related question: What’s the point?
On one level, it’s important to know everything we can know. Only then can we move on. On another level, it always comes back to the same thing.
Until a culture is willing to look into its heart of darkness, and grapple with its own weaknesses, nothing much is going to change. The only way to move forward is to face the greatest fears and come to terms with the hardest parts of reality. It’s nothing less than what Carl Jung, Joseph Campbell, and others call the hero’s journey.
It’s no different than looking at the history of racism or the roots of war. When you look at the life of Bobby Kennedy, there is one distinguishing characteristic – and it’s not his heroic death.
Bobby took the hardest blow that anyone can imagine – the assassination of his brother – and rose up to fight again. His power – his passion – is the heart of his hidden legacy. What Bobby Kennedy offers to all of us is the promise of rebirth.
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The JFK Case: The Twelve Who Built the Oswald Legend
by Bill Simpich © February 11, 2018
Between August 2010 and January 2015 Bill Simpich produced 12 articles on the JFK case which became the backstory to his invaluable work, STATE SECRET: WIRETAPPING IN MEXICO CITY, DOUBLE AGENTS, AND THE FRAMING OF LEE OSWALD. Following are all twelve of his original chapters. An upcoming epilogue will be published this year.
THE JFK CASE: THE TWELVE WHO BUILT THE OSWALD LEGEND
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A CIA Tutorial: How to Avoid Providing Files
With the October releases coming up, we should keep in mind what the ARRB has already told us we will not find.
For those of us who research the Mexico City story, it has always been very frustrating to find that there is no organized way to find the cables and dispatches between Mexico City and Headquarters, or between these two entities and JMWAVE in Miami, except within carefully circumscribed dates.
What we have run into amounts to a CIA tutorial on how to avoid providing information that is mandated under the law.
Eusebio Azcue Lopez, former Cuban consul Mexico City
As shown below, the listing of files for JMWAVE begins on November 21, and the listing of files for HQ and Mexico City begins on October 1. Very unhelpful for putting together the Oswald story, as well as the events prior to the assassination in Miami.
But not all of the files are missing. A number of the files within this timeframe do exist – simply in a less organized format. Many memos are tucked away in various other files, such as the files on Cuban consul Eusebio Azcue in CIA microfilm, Reel 2.
In fact, it is probable that most or all of these files could have been provided by the CIA if they had simply cross-indexed the files within their own Records Integration Division.
The National Archives has the duty to index the files themselves, and send a demand to the CIA for the missing files. The Act is in effect until “the Archivist certifies to the President and the Congress that all assassination-related records have been made available to the public in accordance with this Act.”
From the ARRB Final Report in 1999:
The Review Board deemed these gaps to be significant because both CIA stations played roles in U.S. operations against Cuba.
The cable traffic that the Review Board reviewed in the CIA’s sequestered collection commences on October 1, 1963, and contains the earliest known communication—an October 8, 1963, cable—between the Mexico City Station and CIA Headquarters concerning Lee Harvey Oswald.
1998 explaining that:
In general, cable traffic and dispatches are not available as a chronological collection and thus, for the period 26 through 30 September 1963 it is not possible to provide cables and dispatches in a chronological/package form.
During the periods in question, the Office of Communications (OC) only held cables long enough to ensure that they were successfully transmitted to the named recipient. On occasion. . .cables were sometimes held for longer periods but not with the intention of creating a long-term reference collection.
The Review Board was not able to locate cables or dispatches from the following periods:
After the assassination, the Office of the Deputy Director of Plans ordered relevant CIA offices to retain cables that they would have otherwise destroyed. The HSCA used the remaining cable traffic to compile its Mexico City chronology.
Had CIA offices strictly applied the ninety-day rule, there might have been copies of cable traffic commencing as early as August 22, 1963, rather than October 1, 1963, available to CIA on November 22, 1963.
Bill Simpich is a Civil Rights attorney and author of State Secret: Wiretapping in Mexico City, Double Agents, and the Framing of Lee Oswald.
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JFK CONVERSATIONS with ALAN DALE
Alan Dale speaks with Bill Simpich: Civil Rights attorney, author of ground-breaking articles focusing on the hidden intricacies of the CIA, a leading and insightful analyst of the intelligence files associated with Lee Harvey Oswald’s enigmatic episode in Mexico City seven weeks prior to President Kennedy’s assassination. Bill’s eBook, State Secret, was published in 2013 and may be read in its entirety courtesy of Bill and the Mary Ferrell Foundation: State Secret: Wiretapping in Mexico City, Double Agents, and the Framing of Lee Oswald. Please support important work such as this by making a financial contribution to the Mary Ferrell Foundation.
PART ONE
PART TWO
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Bill Simpich – How Captain Westbrook and the Tippit Shooting Provide a Counterpoint Narrative to the Warren Report
34 minutes
Counterpoint Narrative to the Warren Report
“This is a counter-narrative that was held back from everybody on the Warren Report — and the Warren Commissioners, except for Gerald Ford and Allen Dulles, all said that they were lied to and not given enough information and all the rest. So we have had our history stolen from us.” Bill Simpich
Bill Simpich is a Civil Rights attorney, the author of ground-breaking articles focusing upon the hidden intricacies of the CIA, and is a leading and insightful analyst of the intelligence files associated with Lee Harvey Oswald’s enigmatic episode in Mexico City seven weeks prior to President Kennedy’s assassination. He is the author of State Secret, Wiretapping in Mexico City, Double Agents, and the Framing of Lee Oswald which is now available free of charge from the Mary Ferrell Foundation.